Wednesday, June 21, 2017

Shroud's 1260-1390 radiocarbon date is against the preponderance of the evidence: Steps in the development of my radiocarbon dating of the Turin Shroud hacker theory #8

Copyright © Stephen E. Jones[1]

This is the fourth (and an update of the third) installment of part #8, "Shroud's 1260-1390 radiocarbon date is against the preponderance of the evidence," in my "Steps in the development of my radiocarbon dating of the Turin Shroud hacker theory" series. For more information about this series see part #1, "Hacking an explanation & Index." References "[A]", etc., will be to that part of my original post. Emphases are mine unless otherwise indicated.

[Index] [Previous: Dr Jull's and Prof. Ramsey's prompt, misleading and false replies #7] [Next: "Timothy W. Linick and Karl Koch" #9]

Continuing with tracing the steps in the development of my hacker theory in my early 2014 posts: "Were the radiocarbon dating laboratories duped by a computer hacker? (1)," "(2)," "(3)," "Summary," "My replies to Dr. Timothy Jull and Prof. Christopher Ramsey," and now "Were the radiocarbon dating laboratories duped by a computer hacker?: Revised #1".

The Shroud was radiocarbon dated to 1260-1390 = 1325 ±65 On 13 October 1988 it was announced by the British Museum's Dr M. Tite, Oxford's Prof. E. Hall and Dr R. Hedges at a press conference in the British Museum, London, and simultaneously in Turin by Archbishop Ballestrero, that three radiocarbon dating laboratories, Arizona, Zurich and Oxford, had radiocarbon-dated the Shroud of Turin as 1260-1390!"(See part #6)[2]. Then on 16 February 1989, the science journal Nature reported that:

"... samples from the Shroud of Turin have been dated by accelerator mass spectrometry in laboratories at Arizona, Oxford and Zurich ... The results provide conclusive evidence that the linen of the Shroud of Turin is mediaeval ... AD 1260-1390"[3].
The midpoint of 1206-1390 is 1325 ±65 years[4], which is only ~30

[Above (enlarge): Pilgrim's badge[5] from the first undisputed exposition of the Shroud at Lirey, France in c.1355[6].]

years before the Shroud was first exhibited at Lirey, France in c. 1355[7].[A]

Against the preponderance of the evidence This was against the preponderance of the evidence[8], including historical evidence (see following in reverse chronological order) that the Shroud existed many centuries before 1260, the earliest possible radiocarbon date[9].

c. 1225 Around 1225 the frescoes in the 12th century[10] chapel of the Holy Sepulchre in Winchester Cathedral, England, were repainted[11]. In the deposition scene of Jesus having been taken down from the

[Above (enlarge): Deposition fresco in Holy Sepulchre Chapel, Winchester Cathedral[12]. Note the double body length shroud about to be placed over Jesus, in a fresco painted in at least 1225, 35 years before the earliest 1260 radiocarbon date of the Shroud!]

cross by Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus, the unknown artist painted behind St John and Nicodemus a third man carrying a double-length shroud, intended to go over Jesus's head, body and down to his feet, exactly as the Shroud does[13].[B]

c. 1212 Gervase of Tilbury (c.1150–c.1228), a widely travelled thirteenth century, English born but Rome-educated[14], canon lawyer, statesman and writer[15], referring in his Otia Imperialia which was written between 1210 and 1214[16], to the story of the cloth upon which Jesus had impressed an image of His face and sent it to King Abgar V of Edessa, added that:

"... it is handed down from archives of ancient authority that the Lord prostrated himself full length on most white linen, and so by divine power the most beautiful likeness not only of the face, but also of the whole body of the Lord was impressed upon the cloth"[17].
This is one of a number (see future below) of altered versions of the Abgar story which substituted for the miracle of Jesus' pressing his face onto a cloth to explain the Image of Edessa, a scenario by which Jesus laid his whole body upon a cloth in order to produce a portrait of his whole figure[18].This is so self-evidently preposterous that Jesus would have in life (let alone in public!) laid His naked body on a cloth to imprint His image on it[19], that this can only be an early 12th century reference to the Shroud, nearly a half-century before the earliest radiocarbon date of 1260, and mentioned in archives which were "ancient"[20] even then! [C]

1201-1204: The Holy Face of Laon (French: "Sainte Face de Laon"[21]) is a glazed panel painted at Constantinople between 1201 and 1204[22], or even the second half of the 12th century (e.g. c.1167-1198[23]). In 1249, Jacques Pantaleon (1195–1264), then Archdeacon of Laon[24], and later to become Pope Urban IV (r.1261–1264)[25],

[Right (enlarge): "Icon of the Holy Face (Mandylion) of Laon. Purchased in 1249 in Bari (Italy) by Jacques Pantaleon, later to become Pope Urban[26].]

gave the icon to his sister Sibylle, the abbess of a nearby convent at Montreuil-en-Thierache[27]. It is now kept in the Cathedral of Laon, Picardy, France[28]. The icon is actually a copy of the Image of Edessa or Mandylion[30], being covered with a trellis pattern[29]. It shows a brown monochrome, rigidly front facing, disembodied head of Jesus on cloth, strongly reminiscent of the Shroud[31]. This icon corresponds more closely to the face on the Shroud than any other[32], having 13 of the 15 Vignon markings (see part #2)[33]. It bears an inscription in ancient slavonic: OBRAZ GOSPODIN NA UBRUSJE "the portrait of the Lord on the cloth"[34], which must mean that the artist was working directly from the Shroud[35], which was in Constantinople between 944 and 1204[36]. But since the Sainte Face dates from the beginning of the thirteenth century (or even from the end of the 12th century), and it is a copy of the Shroud image, then the Shroud must be dated well before 1200[37]. This cannot be reconciled with the radiocarbon 1260-1390 dating[38].

To be continued in the fifth installment of this part #8 of this series.

Notes
1. This post is copyright. I grant permission to extract or quote from any part of it (but not the whole post), provided the extract or quote includes a reference citing my name, its title, its date, and a hyperlink back to this page. [return]
2. Wilson, I., 1998, "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, p.7 & pl.3b; Wilson, I., 2010, "The Shroud: The 2000-Year-Old Mystery Solved," Bantam Press: London, p.308. [return]
3. Damon, P.E., et al., 1989, "Radiocarbon Dating of the Shroud of Turin," Nature, Vol. 337, 16 February, pp.611-615, 611. [return]
4. McCrone, W.C., 1999, "Judgment Day for the Shroud of Turin," Prometheus Books: Amherst NY, pp.1,141,178,246; Wilson, 1998, p.7. [return]
5. Latendresse, M., 2012, "A Souvenir from Lirey," Sindonology.org. [return]
6. Wilson, 2010, pp.221-222. [return]
7. Ibid. [return]
8. Iannone, J.C., 1998, "The Mystery of the Shroud of Turin: New Scientific Evidence," St Pauls: Staten Island NY, pp.67, 165, 190; Meacham, W., 2005, "The Rape of the Turin Shroud: How Christianity's Most Precious Relic was Wrongly Condemned and Violated," Lulu Press: Morrisville NC, pp.110-111; Tribbe, F.C., 2006, "Portrait of Jesus: The Illustrated Story of the Shroud of Turin," Paragon House Publishers: St. Paul MN, Second edition, pp.172-173. [return]
9. Wilson, I., 1991, "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, p.3; Wilson, I., 1996, "Jesus: The Evidence," [1984], Weidenfeld & Nicolson: London, Revised, p.134; Wilson, 1998, pp.125, 141; Wilson, I. & Schwortz, B., 2000, "The Turin Shroud: The Illustrated Evidence," Michael O'Mara Books: London, p.113; Wilson, 2010, p.108. [return]
10. Wilson, I., 1979, "The Shroud of Turin: The Burial Cloth of Jesus?," [1978], Image Books: New York NY, Revised edition, p.160; Wilson, 1991, p.152; Wilson, I., 1994, "News From Home and Abroad," BSTS Newsletter, No. 38, August/September, p.5; "Medieval wall paintings," Winchester Cathedral, n.d. [return]
11. Wilson, 1998, p.139. [return]
12. "Reflecting back on this week of poems of the Passion," The Pocket Scroll blog, 19 April 2014. [return]
13. Wilson, 1979, p.160; Wilson, 1998, p.139. [return]
14. Wilson, 1998, p.139. [return]
15. "Gervase of Tilbury," Wikipedia, 19 November 2016. [return]
16. "Otia Imperialia," Wikipedia, 18 June 2017. [return]
17. Green, M., 1969, "Enshrouded in Silence: In search of the First Millennium of the Holy Shroud," Ampleforth Journal, Vol. 74, No. 3, Autumn, pp.319-345; Wilcox, R.K., 1977, "Shroud," Macmillan: New York NY, p.95; Wilson, 1979, p.159; Drews, R., 1984, "In Search of the Shroud of Turin: New Light on Its History and Origins," Rowman & Littlefield: Lanham MD, p.48; Wilson, 1991, p.153; Wilson, 1998, pp.139, 144, 255n20; Guscin, M., 2009, "The Image of Edessa," Brill: Leiden, Netherlands & Boston MA, pp.206-207. [return]
18. Scavone, D.C., "The History of the Turin Shroud to the 14th C.," in Berard, A., ed., 1991, "History, Science, Theology and the Shroud," Symposium Proceedings, St. Louis Missouri, June 22-23, 1991, The Man in the Shroud Committee of Amarillo, Texas: Amarillo TX, pp.171-204, 195. [return]
19. Wilson, 1979, p.159; Wilson, 1998, p.144. [return]
20. Scavone, D.C., 1989, "The Shroud of Turin: Opposing Viewpoints," Greenhaven Press: San Diego CA, p.89. [return]
21. Currer-Briggs, N., 1984, "The Holy Grail and the Shroud of Christ: The Quest Renewed," ARA Publications: Maulden UK, p.158; Currer-Briggs, N., 1988a, "The Shroud and the Grail: A Modern Quest for the True Grail," St. Martin's Press: New York NY, p.45. [return]
22. Wuenschel, E.A., 1954, "Self-Portrait of Christ: The Holy Shroud of Turin," Holy Shroud Guild: Esopus NY, Third printing, 1961, pp.58-59. [return]
23. de Riedmatten, P., 2008, "The Holy Face of Laon," BSTS Newsletter, No. 68, December. [return]
24. Currer-Briggs, 1984, p.21. [return]
25. "Pope Urban IV," Wikipedia, 21 August 2016. [return]
26. "File:Icône Sainte Face Laon 150808.jpg, Wikimedia Commons, 13 September 2008. Translated from French by Google. [return]
27. Currer-Briggs, 1988a, p.45; Wilson, 1991, pp.47, 78. [return]
28. Wilson, I., 1986, "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, p.110F. [return]
29. Currer-Briggs, 1984, p.60; Currer-Briggs, 1988a, p.158; Wilson, 1991, p.136; Antonacci, M., 2000, "Resurrection of the Shroud: New Scientific, Medical, and Archeological Evidence," M. Evans & Co: New York NY, p.131. [return]
30. Wilson, 1991, p.78. [return]
31. Wilson, 1979, pp.114-115; Wilson, 1998, pp.150-151. [return]
32. Currer-Briggs, N., 1995, "Shroud Mafia: The Creation of a Relic?," Book Guild: Sussex UK, p.56. [return]
33. Currer-Briggs, 1988a, p.58. [return]
34. Wilcox, 1977, p.97; Wilson, I., 1983, "Some Recent Society Meetings," BSTS Newsletter, No. 6, September/December, p.13; Currer-Briggs, 1984, p.21; Currer-Briggs, 1988a, p.157; Currer-Briggs, N., 1988b, "Dating the Shroud - A Personal View," BSTS Newsletter No. 20, October, pp.16-17; Wilson, 1991, p.47; Currer-Briggs, 1995, p.205; Oxley, M., 2010, "The Challenge of the Shroud: History, Science and the Shroud of Turin," AuthorHouse: Milton Keynes UK, p.108. [return]
35. Wuenschel, 1954, pp.58-59; Currer-Briggs, 1988a, p.158; Oxley, 2010, p.108. [return]
36. Wilson, 1991, p.78. [return]
37. Currer-Briggs, 1995, p.56. [return]
38. Currer-Briggs, 1995, pp.56-57]. [return]

Posted: 21 June 2017. Updated: 25 June 2017.

Monday, June 19, 2017

6 May 1987: On this day 30 years ago in the radiocarbon dating of the Turin Shroud

© Stephen E. Jones[1]

This is the second and final installment of part #3, "6 May 1987," of my series, "On this day 30 years ago in the radiocarbon dating of the Turin Shroud." For more information about this series, see part #1, Index. As explained in part #1, the first few significant days 30 years ago have already passed but I will catch up and thereafter publish each day's post as near to its 30th anniversary as possible. Emphases are mine unless otherwise indicated.

[Index #1] [Previous: 27Apr87] [Next: 15Jun87 #4]

6 May 1987 As we saw in the previous post (27Apr87), Prof. Harry Gove (1922-2009) [Below [2].], Director of Rochester New York's radiocarbon dating laboratory, a co-inventor of AMS radiocarbon dating, and the unofficial leader of the Shroud radiocarbon dating laboratories, had read in the 27 April 1987 issue of the Italian newspaper La Stampa, that Prof. Luigi Gonella (1930–2007), the scientific adviser to the Archbishop of Turin, had said that the Shroud's radiocarbon dating "would be made in two or three laboratories by two research methods"[3]. Gove found it "troublesome ... that the number of laboratories would be reduced from the original seven to two or three and ... the carbon-14 tests would be just one of a whole vast panoply of tests presumably carried out by STURP"[4]. These changes caused Gove "great concern" and he "decided that we would have to try to do something about this as quickly as possible"[5].

On 6 May 1987, Gove sent a telegram with a letter to follow "to the senior representatives of the six other radiocarbon laboratories and to the British Museum":

"I composed a telegram to be sent to the senior representatives of the six other radiocarbon laboratories and to the British Museum which went as follows: `I propose to hand-deliver the following letter to Professor Chagas [Carlos Chagas Filho (1910–2000)], President of the Pontifical Academy of Sciences] when he is in New York on May 16 or 17, so I would appreciate a quick response. In my view, Gonella and STURP are being deliberately mischievous concerning carbon dating. If the Turin workshop agreement is not followed to the letter, I am no longer willing to be involved. Please approve this letter' ... The telegram was sent on 6 May 1987"[6].
The text of the letter was as follows:
"Dear Professor Chagas: A meeting was held at the Pillar and Post Inn in Niagara-on-the-Lake, Canada the site of the 4th International Symposium on Accelerator Mass Spectrometry on Thursday, 30 April 1987 concerning radiocarbon dating of the Turin Shroud. Present were representatives of the 5 AMS laboratories who will be involved in the measurements, all of whom with the exception of the representative of Oxford were present at the Turin workshop. Since this international meeting concerned accelerator mass spectrometry, AMS, there were no delegates present from the 2 counter laboratories at Harwell and Brookhaven. As a result of the meeting, the undersigned wished to reaffirm their strong, continuing support for the conclusions and procedural steps agreed to by the delegates to the Turin workshop of September 29 to 1 October and in particular: (a) all seven laboratories must be involved in the tests; (b) Madame Flury-Lemberg of the Abegg-Stiftung must be responsible for the selection and actual removal of the material from the shroud; (c) representatives of all seven laboratories should be present at the actual sample removal; (d) a representative of the Pontifical Academy of Sciences, the British Museum and the Archbishopric of Turin will supervise the shroud samples from the time of removal to the time of their delivery, also with a dummy sample and control samples to a representative of each of the seven laboratories. We emphasize the above because of a report in the 27 April 1987 issue of La Stampa, the Turin newspaper, attributed to Professor Luigi Gonella, that the carbon-14 measurements will be carried out in two or three laboratories. That so directly contravenes the Turin workshop agreement that it could severely jeopardize the carbon dating enterprise. The people present at the Niagara-on-the-Lake meeting were S L Brignall, Rochester, C R Bronk, Oxford, P E Damon, Arizona, D J Donahue, Arizona, J C Duplessy, Gif-sur-Yvette, H E Gove, Rochester and W Woelfli, ETH Zurich"[7].
Behind Gove's "If the Turin workshop agreement is not followed to the letter, I am no longer willing to be involved" and his demand that "all seven laboratories must be involved in the tests" was his realisation that if the laboratories were to be reduced from seven to two or three, because of his clashes with Gonella, his laboratory Rochester had no chance of being selected:
"Some laboratories had, therefore, been eliminated. But which ones? In Rochester there was Gove: his clash with Gonella did not leave him with any chance. Harbottle had upset Ballestrero's consultant by alluding, in his talk, to the basic agreement of the preparatory work of 1986 at the meeting of the American Chemical Society. Zurich was in a critical situation because of its error of 1000 years in the preliminary test. Harwell had received negative publicity over the conflicting dates in the case of the Lindow Man. It was evident that there were conflicts of interests. Amongst other considerations Hall was a member of the council of administration of the British Museum"[8].
Gove received permission from the heads of only five of the seven laboratories (the two dissenters were the non-AMS laboratories at Harwell and Brookhaven) to send his letter to Chagas, and of the heads of the five AMS laboratories which did permit Gove to use their names, two (Hall of Oxford and Wolfli of Zurich), later changed their minds:
"On 7 May Jean-Claude Duplessy phoned me from Gif-sur-Yvette. He entirely agreed with the contents of the proposed letter to Chagas, he was concerned about complications that may be caused by STURP and repeated that he had serious reservations about them. Later that same day, Hall phoned from Oxford. He said that he was worried that the letter might complicate matters. He thought Chagas favoured only two or three laboratories being involved. I said it was my impression that Turin was by-passing Chagas and that this letter might strengthen his hand. Chagas had never expressed a preference for any less than the agreed upon number of seven laboratories. Hall thought that if a decision were made to reduce the number it would mean starting again. He agreed to sign the letter. It seemed to me Hall clearly opposed the idea of a reduction in the number of laboratories. He later changed his mind. About an hour later, Donahue phoned from Arizona. He said he was in complete agreement with the letter and so was Damon. The next day, 8 May, I got a bitnet message from Woelfli in Zurich in which he stated that he fully agreed with all the points made in my letter to Professor Chagas and that he would be glad to sign it. He stated categorically that he was not willing to be involved if the Turin workshop agreement were not followed to the letter. He also changed his mind later on. On 11 May I sent the letter to Professor Chagas. It was signed by the heads of the five AMS laboratories who had given me permission to submit it"[9].

To be continued in the next part #4 of this series.

Notes
1. This post is copyright. I grant permission to quote from any part of this post (but not the whole post), provided it includes a reference citing my name, its subject heading, its date, and a hyperlink back to this page. [return].
2. "Dr. Harry Gove Co-developer, Accelerator Mass Spectrometry," El carbono 14, por Manuel Carreira, Sabana Santa, 2013. [return]
3. Gove, H.E., 1996, "Relic, Icon or Hoax?: Carbon Dating the Turin Shroud," Institute of Physics Publishing: Bristol UK, pp.186-187. [return]
4. Gove, 1996, p.187. [return]
5. Ibid. [return]
6. Gove, 1996, pp.187, 188. [return]
7. Gove, 1996, pp.187-188. [return]
8. Petrosillo, O. & Marinelli, E., 1996, "The Enigma of the Shroud: A Challenge to Science," Scerri, L.J., transl., Publishers Enterprises Group: Malta, pp.37-38. [return]
9. Gove, 1996, pp.188-189. [return]

Posted: 19 June 2017. Updated: 21 June 2017.

Saturday, June 3, 2017

Real human blood #23: The man on the Shroud: The evidence is overwhelming that the Turin Shroud is authentic!

The evidence is overwhelming that the Turin Shroud is authentic!
The man on the Shroud
REAL HUMAN BLOOD #23
Copyright © Stephen E. Jones[1]

This is part #23, "The man on the Shroud: Real human blood," of my series, "The evidence is overwhelming that the Turin Shroud is authentic!" For more information about this series, see the "Main index #1" and "The man on the Shroud #8." Emphases are mine unless otherwise indicated.

[Main index #1] [Previous: X-rays #22] [Next: Blood before image and clots intact #24]


  1. The man on the Shroud #8
    1. Real human blood #23

Introduction The blood of the man on the Shroud is real human blood[2].

[Above (enlarge): "Close-up of a blood area on the Shroud, as photographed using the portable photomicroscope"[3].

"As for the `blood' [sic] stains, according to John H. Heller's and Alan D. Adler's studies these derived from genuine clotted wounds, and they pass eleven different diagnostic tests, enabling them to be pronounced to be true blood in any court of law. Blood constituents such as proteins, albumen, haem products, and the bile pigment bilirubin (on which Adler is an acknowledged expert) can all be determined to be present. One remarkable feature noted by Adler is that where blood occurs in the same region as body image, the cloth fibres lack body image characteristics below the bloodstain, suggesting that the blood was on the cloth before the body image-making process began[4]. That is hardly the way any artist might be expected to work"[5].]
Real blood The bloodstains of the man on the Shroud are real blood[6]. Table 5 below summarizes the tests employed by Adler

[Above (enlarge)[7]: Table 5: Summary of tests by Adler and Heller which confirmed that the blood on the Shroud was real blood[8]. At the public final meeting of STURP in New London, Connecticut in October 1981, after explaining each item in this table, Adler, who had "already published close to a hundred articles on his blood research; forty-odd concerned porphyrins"[9], concluded:

"That means that the red stuff on the Shroud is emphatically, and without any reservation, nothing else but B-L-O-O-D!"[10]]
and Heller between 1979 and 1981[11] which confirmed that the blood on the Shroud was real blood[12]. STURP in its 1981 final report concluded that the blood on the Shroud was real blood[13].

Clotted blood The bloodstains are clotted blood[13a] in that they are thickened on the edges[14]. As blood dries it forms a scab and contracts, thickening the edge of the scab and exuding serum onto the surface and edges of the contracting clot[15].

Serum halos The border of every bloodstain under ultraviolet light shows a typical yellowish fluorescence of a serum exudate ring or halo around a scab as expected for blood clot retraction[16]. These serum halos confirm that the Shroud's bloodstains are real blood[16a].

Serum albumin is the most abundant blood plasma protein and is produced in the liver[17]. These serum haloes above tested positive for serum albumin and they also gave a positive immuno-chemical test with albumin serum[18]. Positive serum albumin tests were also found in areas adjacent to the blood, for example the lance wound area[19].

Distinction between arterial and venous bloodflows The distinction between arterial and venous blood flows is evident in some

[Above (enlarge): Distinction between venous blood in the reversed `3' or epsilon bloodstain, which is correctly from the frontal vein "V", and arterial blood which is from the frontal branch of the superficial temple artery "Al" on the forehead.[20].]

bloodstains on the man's forehead[21]. Venous blood appears darker and thicker because it flows more slowly than arterial blood[22]. The large reversed `3' or epsilon-shaped blood clot on the man's forehead is an example of a large venous blood flow[23].The distinction between arterial and venous blood was not even discovered until 1593 by Andrea Cesalpino (c. 1524-1603)[24], more than 230 years after the Shroud first appeared in undisputed history at Lirey, France in c.1355[25]!

Distinction between premortem and and postmortem blood The bloodflows on and from the man on the Shroud can be distinguished as antemortem or premortem (before death) and postmortem (after death)[26]. For example, the bloodflows on the face are all premortem, as shown by computer mapping which found that all streams of blood on the face flow down the face and none of them flow toward the back of the neck or head[27]! This means the man on the Shroud died on the cross in an upright position and then the blood in his head had drained down internally while he was still on the cross[28]. Examples of postmortem bloodflows include the spear wound in the side[29], the pool of blood across the small of the back from that spear wound[30] [Right (enlarge)[31].], and the trickle of blood from the right foot after the removal of the nail[32]. These had oozed with gravity and showed no sign of force from a pumping heart[35].

Blood on face out of stereoregister with image The blood marks on the man's face are not in stereoregister with the image of his face[36]. In 1986 Dr Gilbert Lavoie was looking at a life-size positive

[Above (enlarge): Fig. 1, Shroud face, positive image (left), and Fig. 3, cutouts of the blood marks on the face and hair of the Shroud (right)[37].

[Below (enlarge): Fig. 4, cutouts of the blood marks above right draped over a man's face (left), and Fig. 5, `blood' marks painted on the man's face through the cutouts[38].]

photograph of the Shroud face (Fig. 1), when it occurred to him that the blood was a little too far out on either side of the face[39]. To test this he asked his daughters to outline on tracing paper the blood marks on the forehead and hair, trace the position of the eyes and nose, make a cutout of the tracing, remove the paper within the outlined blood marks, and make holes at the eyes large enough to see through[40]. When Lavoie placed the tracing paper with its blood mark cutouts over his face, aligning the eyes and nose with his own, and looked through the eye slits in a mirror, it confirmed that the blood in the hair is actually on the sides of the face[41]! Lavoie then visually reproduced this by painting through the blood mark cutouts onto the face of a bearded man volunteer (see Fig. 1, 3, 4 and 5 above)[42]. This means that the blood on the Shroud and the body image were caused by two different processes separated in space and time[43]! The blood marks have been transferred to the cloth by direct contact with clots from wounds, while the body image has been projected onto the cloth by a non-contact type of radiation[44]! This is explained by STURP's John P. Jackson's "cloth collapse theory" where the body became "mechanically transparent"[45], and the cloth fell through the space where the body was, flattening out due to air resistance[46].

Bilirubin A test for the presence of proteins in the Shroud man's blood returned an extraordinarily high bilirubin count[47]. In traumatic shock, as would be experienced under flogging and crucifixion, the liver converts hemoglobin from burst red cells into bilirubin, which remains in the blood clots and gives them a red to orange colour[48]. Sceptics had long criticised the Shroud's blood for being too red, pointing out that aged blood normally turns black[49]. But the red colour of the Shroud's blood supports the forensic conclusion that the blood was from someone who suffered a traumatic death as depicted in the body images[50], which Jesus of Nazareth did[51]!

Human blood In 1980 an ultraviolet microspectrophotometric study of blood particles from STURP's Shroud sticky tapes, found that the near UV peak for albumin bound bilirubin is consistent with a primate origin, and therefore supporting the identification of a human source for the blood marks[52]. In 1983 Professor Pier Luigi Baima-Bollone, medical examiner at the University of Turin[53], by means of fluorescent antigen-antibody reactions, confirmed that the Shroud blood is indeed human blood[54]. Then in 1983[55] and at the 1984 Italian National Shroud Congress, Professors Baima-Bollone and Agostino Gaglio reported that they had confirmed the identification of the blood group AB in Shroud bloodstains[56] and that they had discovered human red blood corpuscles on the Shroud, using a scanning electron microscope[57]. They also showed that they had verified the presence of human epidermis (skin) cells in the area of the nail wound in the feet by an immuno-histo-chemical process[58].

Crucifixion The bloodstains on the Shroud are consistent with that of a man who had been beaten and then died in the position of crucifixion[59], as described in the Gospels of Christ's crucifixion[60]. The V-shaped blood flows on the arms[61] shows they were in an elevated and extended position at the time the wounds were

[Above (enlarge): The angle of the arms at crucifixion, deducible from the Shroud by determining the path of the blood flows in following the course of gravity. The main angle appears to have been 65 degrees, but there is evidence that at some stages the forearms were at 55 degrees, indicating that the man of the Shroud sought to raise himself [to breathe-see below]; probably continually, during crucifixion"[62].]

bleeding[63]. Dr Gilbert Lavoie found by experiments in the clotting of blood and its transfer onto a linen cloth that to produce bloodstains like the Shroud's, the blood needed to clot in a vertical position, and it needed to be transferred to the cloth within two hours[64]!

Blood and water On the man's right side there is a large blood-

[Above (enlarge)[65]: Large bloodstain on the man's right side, showing the wound (circled in red) which caused it and which matches a Roman lance. Dark and light areas within the stain correspond to the "blood and water" that the Apostle John witnessed flow from the dead Jesus on the cross when He was pierced in the side by a Roman soldier's spear thrust (John 19:33-34). The light coloured area on the right is the new backing cloth to which areas burnt in the 1532 fire were sewn on to, as part of the 2002 restoration.]

stain[66], comprising blood from the heart[67] and watery fluid from the heart's pericardial sac[68] and the pleural (lung) cavity[69]. Near the top of the stain can be seen the wound which caused it (see above circled in red)[70], and which matches a Roman lancea[71], the very weapon that John's gospel records was thrust into Jesus' side[72] (see below), inserted etween the between the fifth and sixth ribs[73]. A Roman lance thrust upward into that ribcage region would have pierced the right atrium (auricle) of the heart[74], which fills with blood upon death[75]. This corresponds with the eyewitness (Jn 19:35) testimony of the Apostle John[76] in John 19:33-34[77]:

"But when they came to Jesus and saw that he was already dead, they did not break his legs. But one of the soldiers pierced his side with a spear, and at once there came out blood and water."
As the above passage implies, it was standard practice for Roman crucifixion squads to break the legs of crucifixion victims with an iron club (called crurifragium)[78], to hasten their death by not being able to push up with their legs to exhale[79]. That the flow of "blood and water" from Jesus' lanced heart was rare (if not unique) is evident in that the Apostle John recorded it and later referred to it in one of his letters (1Jn 5:6). Moreover, Christian apologists of the second and third centuries, a time of frequent public crucifixions which only ended in AD 337 when they were abolished by Emperor Constantine the Great, argued that the flow of blood and water from Jesus' side was a miracle[80]. This argument would only work if their contemporaries were unaware of it having happened in any other crucifixions. That the same rare (if not unique)[81] flow of blood and watery fluid is found on the Shroud[82] is further proof beyond reasonable doubt (given the problems of the forgery theory - see future below) that the Shroud of Turin is the very burial sheet of Jesus[83]!

Sudarium of Oviedo The bloodstains on the Sudarium of Oviedo are a mixture of blood and watery fluid[84], produced not by a spear in the side but by blood and lung fluid issuing from its crucifixion victim's nose when he was taken down from his cross[85]. This is consistent with the medical findings that the man of the Shroud's lungs would have filled with fluid caused by the scourging and is compatible with the Apostle John's eyewitness account (see above) that when Jesus' side was pierced by a Roman soldier's lance "immediately there came out blood and water" (Jn 19:34)[86]. This blood and watery lung fluid found on both the Shroud and the Sudarium of Oviedo are among the many similarities which indicate, in Adler's words, "that these two cloths were in contact with the same wounded body"[87]. And therefore that the Sudarium of Oviedo is "the face cloth [Greek soudarion], which had been on Jesus' head" (Jn 20:7)[88]!

Problems for the forgery theory (see previous three: #20, #21 and #22). No known artist has ever used blood to depict blood. Heller, who had been a Professor of Internal Medicine at Yale asked several professors of art history at Yale and Harvard if they knew of any artist, fourteenth century or earlier, who had used blood to paint blood and their answer was uniformly negative[89]. Reasons why artists would not use blood to depict blood include: artists sought permanent colors and blood was not long-lasting[90]; and normal blood quickly turns dark, due to the cause of its red colour, hemoglobin, being oxidised in air and becoming methemoglobin, which is bluish-brown in color[91] No artist has ever depicted Jesus's wounds with clotted blood but only with free-flowing blood[92]. Since the bloodstains on the Shroud are real, human, clotted blood, its artist/forger would have had to have a supply of traumatic clotted blood exudates from a human and then painted them in a forensically correct manner as they are on the Shroud[93]. He would have needed to take that clotted blood exudate within a 20-minute period after the clotting had begun[94]. He then would have had to paint it on the cloth with the thousands of blood serum edges, which are only clearly visible in ultraviolet light, and with all the other forensic precision that is characteristic of the blood on the Shroud[95]. Since the serum exudate rings are only obviously evident under ultraviolet a medieval or earlier forger would not only require a knowledge of the physiology of clot retraction, but would also have produced images of serum rings that are only obviously evident under ultraviolet light[96]. But in the 1350s when the Shroud first appeared in undisputed history, no one had the medical knowledge of the details of blood clotting[97]. Adler pointed out:

"The presence of these blood clot serum rings makes the notion of a forger painting in the blood images with the correct chemical composition. before the image forming process [see future "Blood before image and clots intact" #24] and properly out of stereoregister virtually impossible"[98].
He therefore concluded:
"I believe most reasonable people would conclude that it is simply impossible that an artist could have produced the blood imprints on the Shroud of Turin. Rather, it is logical to conclude, from the nature and characteristics of the bloodstains on the Shroud, that the cloth once enfolded the body of a severely beaten and crucified human being"[99]!

To be continued in part #24 of this series.

Notes
1. This post is copyright. I grant permission to quote from any part of this post (but not the whole post), provided it includes a reference citing my name, its subject heading, its date and a hyperlink back to this post. [return]
2. Bulst, W., 1986, "Some Considerations on the Genesis of the Body Image on the Turin Shroud," Shroud Spectrum International, No. 19, June, pp.2-14, 2, 4,5; Morgan, R., 1988, "World Reaction to Carbon Dating a Farce," October, Shroud News, No 49, pp.3-18, 3; Minor, M., 1990, "Shroud of Turin Manuscript Discovered By Texas Member," [originally "A Lawyer Argues for Authenticity of the Shroud of Turin"], The Manuscript Society News, Vol. XI, No. 4, Fall, pp.117-122, 122; Iannone, J.C., 1998,"The Mystery of the Shroud of Turin: New Scientific Evidence," St Pauls: Staten Island NY, p.178; McDonnell, D.J., 2003, "The Great Holy Shroud Dating Fraud of 1988," 4 November; Oxley, M., 2010, "The Challenge of the Shroud: History, Science and the Shroud of Turin," AuthorHouse: Milton Keynes UK, p.238. [return]
3. Wilson, I. & Schwortz, B., 2000, "The Turin Shroud: The Illustrated Evidence," Michael O'Mara Books: London, p.75. [return]
4. Adler, A.D., "Chemical and Physical Characteristics of the Blood Stains," in Scannerini, S. & Savarino, P., eds, 2000, "The Turin Shroud: Past, Present and Future," International scientific symposium, Turin, 2-5 March 2000," Effatà: Cantalupa, pp.219-233, 228. [return]
5. Wilson & Schwortz, 2000, p.75. [return]
6. Heller, J.H. & Adler, A.D., 1981, "A Chemical Investigation of the Shroud of Turin," in Adler, A.D. & Crispino, D., ed., 2002, "The Orphaned Manuscript: A Gathering of Publications on the Shroud of Turin," Effatà Editrice: Cantalupa, Italy, pp.34-57, 41, 47. [return]
7. Heller & Adler, 1981, p.52. [return]
8. Heller, J.H., 1983, "Report on the Shroud of Turin," Houghton Mifflin Co: Boston MA, pp.215-216; Antonacci, M., 2000, "Resurrection of the Shroud: New Scientific, Medical, and Archeological Evidence," M. Evans & Co: New York NY, p.25. [return]
9. Crispino, D., "Foreword," in Adler & Crispino, 2002, p.v-ix, v. [return]
10. Heller, 1983, p.216. [return]
11. Heller, 1983, pp.122, 132, 213. [return]
12. Heller & Adler, 1981, p.52; Heller, 1983, pp.215-216. [return]
13. Antonacci, 2000, p.25. [return]
13a. Barbet, P., 1953, "A Doctor at Calvary," [1950], Earl of Wicklow, transl., Image Books: Garden City NY, Reprinted, 1963, p.28; Antonacci, 2000, p.28. [return]
14. Adler, A.D., 2000c, "Chemical and Physical Aspects of the Sindonic Images," in Adler & Crispino, 2002, pp.10-27, 12. [return]
15. Adler, 2000c, p.12. [return]
16. Adler, 2000c, p.14. [return]
16a. Antonacci, 2000, p.28. [return]
17. "Albumin: Serum albumin," Wikipedia, 16 April 2017. [return]
18. Adler, A.D., 1986, "The Origin and Nature of Blood on the Turin Shroud," in Adler & Crispino, 2002, pp.59-66, 60. [return]
19. Heller & Adler, 1981, p.41. [return]
20. Rodante, S., 1981, "The Coronation of Thorns in the Light of the Shroud," Shroud Spectrum International, No. 1, December, pp.4-24, 19; Antonacci, 2000, p.26. [return]
21. Borkan, 1995, p.26; Antonacci, 2000, p.25. [return]
22. Antonacci, 2000, p.25. [return]
23. Antonacci, 2000, p.25. [return]
24. Rodante, 1981, p.19; Borkan, 1995, p.26; Iannone, 1998, p.67; Antonacci, 2000, p.26; Tribbe, F.C., 2006, "Portrait of Jesus: The Illustrated Story of the Shroud of Turin," [1983], Paragon House Publishers: St. Paul MN, Second edition, p.99. [return]
25. Antonacci, 2000, p.26. [return]
26. Meacham, W., 1983, "The Authentication of the Turin Shroud: An Issue in Archaeological Epistemology," Current Anthropology, Vol. 24, No. 3, June, pp.283-311, 294; Tribbe, 2006, p.101. [return]
27. Tribbe, 2006, p.101. [return]
28. Tribbe, 2006, p.101. [return]
29. Heller, 1983, pp.3, 138, 217; Meacham, 1983, p.292; Stevenson, K.E. & Habermas, G.R., 1990, "The Shroud and the Controversy," Thomas Nelson Publishers: Nashville TN, p.113; Bucklin, R., 1997, "An Autopsy on the Man of the Shroud," Third International Scientific Symposium on the Shroud of Turin, Nice, France, 12 May; Wilson, I., 1998, "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, p.38; Antonacci, 2000, pp.29, 120; Oxley, 2010, p.175; de Wesselow, T., 2012, "The Sign: The Shroud of Turin and the Secret of the Resurrection," Viking: London, p.130. [return]
30. Heller, 1983, pp.3, 217; Wilson, I., 1986, "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, p.26; Jackson, J.P., 1991, "An Unconventional Hypothesis to Explain all Image Characteristics Found on the Shroud Image," in Berard, A., ed., 1991, "History, Science, Theology and the Shroud," Symposium Proceedings, St. Louis Missouri, June 22-23, The Man in the Shroud Committee of Amarillo, Texas: Amarillo TX, 1991, pp.325-344, 328; Borkan, M., 1995, "Ecce Homo?: Science and the Authenticity of the Turin Shroud," Vertices, Duke University, Vol. X, No. 2, Winter, pp.18-51, 26-27, 43, 46; Wilson, 1998, p.38; Wilson & Schwortz, 2000, p.64; de Wesselow, 2012, p.130. [return]
31. Extract from Latendresse, M., 2010, "Shroud Scope: Durante 2002: Horizontal" (rotated right 90°), Sindonology.org. [return]
32. Wilson, I., 1979, "The Shroud of Turin: The Burial Cloth of Jesus?," [1978], Image Books: New York NY, Revised edition, pp.73-74; O'Rahilly, A. & Gaughan, J.A., ed., 1985, "The Crucified," Kingdom Books: Dublin, p.134; Jackson, 1991, p.328; Borkan, 1995, pp.24, 43; Wilson, 1998, p.38; Antonacci, 2000, pp.21-22; de Wesselow, 2012, p.130. [return]
35. Tribbe, 2006, p.101. [return]
36. Adler, A.D., 1999, "The Nature of the Body Images on the Shroud of Turin," in Adler & Crispino, 2002, pp.103-112, 104; Adler, A.D., 2000a, "The Shroud Fabric and the Body Image: Chemical and Physical Characteristics," in Adler & Crispino, 2002, pp.113-127, 113, 118, 123; Adler, A.D., 2000b, "Chemical and Physical Characteristics of the Bloodstains," in Adler & Crispino, 2002, pp.129-138, 129, 133; Adler, 2000c, pp.18-19. [return]
37. Lavoie, G.R., 1998, "Unlocking the Secrets of the Shroud," Thomas More: Allen TX, pp.104, 106. [return]
38. Lavoie, 1998, pp.106, 108. [return]
39. Lavoie, 1998, p.104; Lavoie, G.R., 2000, "Resurrected: Tangible Evidence That Jesus Rose from the Dead," 1998], Thomas More: Allen TX, p.112. [return]
40. Lavoie, 1998, p.104; Lavoie, 2000, p.112. [return]
41. Lavoie, 1998, pp.104-107; Wilson, 1998, p.39; Lavoie, 2000, pp.113-114. [return]
42. Lavoie, 1998, pp.105-106; Wilson, 1998, p.39; Lavoie, 2000, pp.112-113. [return]
43. Lavoie, G.R., Lavoie, B.B. & Adler, A.D., 1986, "The Blood on the Turin Shroud: Part III: The Blood on the Face," in Adler & Crispino, 2002, pp.63-66, 64-65; Lavoie, 1998, pp.109, 111; Wilson, 1998, p.39; Lavoie, 2000, pp.119-113; Adler, 2000c, p.18. [return]
44. Wilson, 1998, p.39; Adler, 1999, p.104; Adler, 2000b, pp.129, 133; Adler, 2000c, pp.18-19; Adler, 2000c, p.19. [return]
45. Jackson, J.P., 1990, "Is the Image on the Shroud Due to a Process Heretofore Unknown to Modern Science?," Shroud Spectrum International, No. 34, March, pp.3-29, 11-12, 22; Jackson, 1991, p.339; Wilson & Schwortz, 2000, pp.128-129; Oxley, 2010, pp.240-241. [return]
46. Jackson, 1991, pp.338-339; Bennett, J., 2001, "Sacred Blood, Sacred Image: The Sudarium of Oviedo: New Evidence for the Authenticity of the Shroud of Turin," Ignatius Press: San Francisco CA, p.166. [return]
47. Adler, 1986, p.61; Adler, 2000c, p.21. [return]
48. Adler, 2000b, p.134; Adler, 2000c, p.21; Antonacci, 2000, p.29. [return]
49. Dutton, D., 1984, "Requiem for the Shroud of Turin," Michigan Quarterly Review 23, pp.243-55; Bennetta, W.J., 1988, "Soiled Linen," BASIS, December; Nickell, J., 1993, "Looking for a Miracle: Weeping Icons, Relics, Stigmata, Visions & Healing Cures," Prometheus Books: Buffalo NY, pp.26, 29, Nickell, J., 1987, "Inquest on the Shroud of Turin," [1983], Prometheus Books: Buffalo NY, Revised, Reprinted, 2000, pp.68, 128, 132, 144; Wilson, 1998, p.31; Nickell, J., 2005, "Voice of Reason: The Truth Behind the Shroud of Turin," Livescience , 18 March; Nickell, J., 2007, "Relics of the Christ," The University Press of Kentucky: Lexington KY, pp.140, 174. [return]
50. Adler, 2000c, p.21. [return]
51. Adler, 2000b, p.129. [return]
52. Adler, 2000c, p.24. [return]
53. Marinelli, E., 1995, "Latest Findings," BSTS Newsletter, No. 40, p.12. [return]
54. Meacham, 1983, p.288; Baima-Bollone, P. & Zaca, S., 1998, "The Shroud Under the Microscope: Forensic Examination," Neame, A., transl., St Pauls: London, p.21. [return]
55. Baima Bollone, P., Jorio, M. & Massaro, A.L., 1983, "Identification of the Group of the Traces of Human Blood on the Shroud," Shroud Spectrum International, No. 6, March, pp.2-6, 6. [return]
56. Marinelli, E., 1985, "Italian National Shroud Congress 1984," Shroud News, No. 27, February, pp.6-9, 8; Baima-Bollone & Zaca, 1998, p.22. [return]
57. Ibid; Ibid. [return]
58. Ibid; Ibid. [return]
59. Heller, J.H. & Adler, A.D., 1980, "Blood on the Shroud of Turin," in Adler & Crispino, pp.29-33, 29; Heller & Adler, 1981, p.52; Lavoie, et al., 1986, p.64; Adler, 2000c, p.12. [return]
60. Heller & Adler, 1981, p.34; Adler, A.D., 1996, "Updating Recent Studies on the Shroud of Turin," in Adler & Crispino, 2002, pp.81-86, 81; Adler, 1999, p.104; Adler, 2000b, pp.129, 131; Adler, 2000c, pp.13, 25. [return]
61. Habermas, G.R., 1984, "Ancient Evidence for the Life of Jesus," Thomas Nelson: Nashville TN, p.159. [return]
62. Wilson, I., 1978, "The Turin Shroud," Book Club Associates: London, p.50L; Meacham, 1983, p.285. [return]
63. Adler, 2000c, p.12. [return]
64. Adler, 1986, pp.59-60. [return]
65. Extract from Latendresse, M., 2010, "Shroud Scope: Durante 2002: Vertical," Sindonology.org. [return]
66. Borkan, 1995, p.26. [return]
67. Antonacci, 2000, p.31. [return]
68. Bucklin, R., 1970, "The Legal and Medical Aspects of the Trial and Death of Christ," Medicine, Science and the Law, January; Bucklin, R., 1982, "The Shroud of Turin: Viewpoint of a Forensic Pathologist," Shroud Spectrum International, No. 5, December, pp.3-10, 8-9; Iannone, 1998, p.63; Antonacci, 2000, p.31. [return]
69. Bucklin, 1970; Bucklin, 1982, pp.8-9; Antonacci, 2000, p.31; Oxley, 2010, p.167. [return]
70. Heller, 1983, p.138; Borkan, 1995, p.26; Iannone, 1998, p.62; Wilson, 1998, pp.37, 42; de Wesselow, 2012, p.144P. [return]
71. Meacham, 1983, p.290; Borkan, 1995, p.26; Wilson, 1998, p.42; Antonacci, 2000, p.31. [return]
72.Wilson, 1998, p.42. [return]
73. Morgan, R.H., 1980, "Perpetual Miracle: Secrets of the Holy Shroud of Turin by an Eye Witness," Runciman Press: Manly NSW, Australia, p.93; Borkan, 1995, p.26; Antonacci, 2000, p.31; Guerrera, V., 2001, "The Shroud of Turin: A Case for Authenticity," TAN: Rockford IL, p.40. [return]
74. Brent, P. & Rolfe, D., 1978, "The Silent Witness: The Mysteries of the Turin Shroud Revealed," Futura Publications: London, p.47; Morgan, 1980, p.93; Antonacci, 2000, p.31; Oxley, 2010, p.167. [return]
75. Brent & Rolfe, 1978, p.47; Antonacci, 2000, p.31; Oxley, 2010, p.167. [return]
76. Bulst, W., 1957, "The Shroud of Turin," McKenna, S. & Galvin, J.J., transl., Bruce Publishing Co: Milwaukee WI, p.106; Hoare, R., 1978, "Testimony of the Shroud," St. Martin's Press: New York NY, p.41. [return]
77. Bulst, 1957, p.106; Iannone, 1998, pp.60, 63; Antonacci, 2000, p.120; Guerrera, 2001, p.39. [return]
78. Barbet, 1953, p.84; Borkan, 1995, p.26; Iannone, 1998, p.60. [return]
79. Barbet, 1953, p.85; Borkan, 1995, p.26; Iannone, 1998, pp.60, 62; Antonacci, 2000, p.31. [return]
80. Meacham, 1983, p.292; Ruffin, C.B., 1999, "The Shroud of Turin: The Most Up-To-Date Analysis of All the Facts Regarding the Church's Controversial Relic," Our Sunday Visitor: Huntington IN, p.49p; Antonacci, 2000, p.120. [return]
81. Reference(s) to be provided. [return]
82. Bulst, 1957, p.106; Borkan, 1995, p.26; Antonacci, 2000, p.120. [return]
83. Guerrera, 2001, p.40. [return]
84. Bennett, 2001, p.166. [return]
85. Wilson & Schwortz, 2000, p.78; Whiting, B., 2006, "The Shroud Story," Harbour Publishing: Strathfield NSW, Australia, pp.326-327. [return]
86. Wilson & Schwortz, 2000, p.78. [return]
87. Adler, 1996, p.83; Wilson & Schwortz, 2000, p.78. [return]
88. Whanger, A.D. & M.W., "A Quantitative Optical Technique for Analyzing and Authenticating the Images on the Shroud of Turin," in Berard, 1991, pp.303-324, 312-313; Danin, A., Whanger, A.D., Baruch, U. & Whanger, M., 1999, "Flora of the Shroud of Turin," Missouri Botanical Garden Press: St. Louis MO, p.11; Bennett, 2001, pp.144-146, 152. [return]
89. Heller, 1983, p.142. [return]
90. Heller, 1983, p.142. [return]
91. Antonacci, 2000, p.29; "Methemoglobin," Wikipedia, 11 June 2017. [return]
92. Barbet, 1953, p.28; Adler, 1986, pp.59-60. [return]
93. Adler, 2000c, pp.21-22. [return]
94. Adler, 1996, p.62. [return]
95. Adler, 1996, p.62. [return]
96. Adler, 2000c, p.14. [return]
97. Adler, 2000c, p.21. [return]
98. Adler, 2000b, p.129. [return]
99. Adler, 1996, p.62. [return]

Posted: 3 June 2017. Updated: 21 June 2017.

Friday, June 2, 2017

"Editorial and Contents," Shroud of Turin News, May 2017

Shroud of Turin News - May 2017
© Stephen E. Jones
[1]

[Previous: April 2017, part #1] [Next: June 2017, part #1]

This is the "Editorial and Contents," part #1 of the May 2017 issue of my Shroud of Turin News. Following this editorial, I may comment on Shroud-related May 2017 news articles in separate posts, linked back to this post, with the articles' words in bold to distinguish them from mine. As previously mentioned, I have listed some linked articles about the Shroud in April/May as a service to readers, without necessarily commenting on them. If I do comment on an article in a separate Shroud of Turin News post, I will add after it "- see Month year, part #n".

Contents:
Editorial
"8 Reasons Why the Shroud of Turin Might Be the Burial Cloth of Jesus," Reasons for Jesus, Brian Chilton, April 25, 2017.
"The Shroud of Turin," Confident Faith, Timothy, May 2, 2017
"The truth about the Shroud of Turin," Marietta Daily Journal, Nelson Price, May 6, 2017 - see my 17Dec09 for the fallacies in this argument.


Editorial

Rex Morgan's Shroud News: My scanning and word-processing of the 118 issues of Rex Morgan's Shroud News, provided by Ian Wilson, and emailing them to Barrie Schwortz, for him to convert to PDFs and add to his online Shroud News archive, continued in May up to issue #77, June 1993 [Right (enlarge)]. Issues in that archive are up to #66, August 1991.

Posts: In May I blogged 5 new posts (latest uppermost): "27 April 1987: On this day 30 years in the radiocarbon dating of the Turin Shroud" - 31st; "Index: On this day 30 years ago in the radiocarbon dating of the Turin Shroud" - 30th; "Chronology of the Turin Shroud: Tenth century" - 13th; "Dr Jull's and Prof. Ramsey's prompt, misleading and false replies: Steps in the development of my radiocarbon dating of the Turin Shroud hacker theory #7" - 10th; and "Editorial and Contents," Shroud of Turin News, April 2017" - 9th.

Updates From memory I did not significant update any of my posts in the background in May.

Comments: There were no significant comments in May.

My radiocarbon dating hacker theory: As can be seen above, in May I blogged only one post about my hacker theory: "Dr Jull's and Prof. Ramsey's prompt, misleading and false replies: Steps in the development of my radiocarbon dating of the Turin Shroud hacker theory #7.

My book: I have made little progress in writing my book, The Shroud of Turin: The Burial Sheet of Jesus! (see 09May17). But I have set up its structure in Word 2007, written its Preface and designed its cover [Left (enlarge)].

Pageviews: At midnight on 31 May, Google Analytics [Below (enlarge)] gave this blog's "Pageviews all time history" as 756,030 (passing three-quarters of a million). This compares with 536,240 (up 219,790 or 41%) from the same time in May 2016. It also gave the most viewed posts for the month (highest uppermost) as: "`Radiocarbon Dating ... error potential when an item is contaminated with newer material'," Apr 19, 2017 - 209; "X-rays #22: The man on the Shroud: The evidence is overwhelming that the Turin Shroud is authentic!," Apr 20, 2017 - 142; "Chronology of the Turin Shroud: Ninth century" Mar 25, 2017 - 141; "Dr Jull's and Prof. Ramsey's prompt, misleading and false replies: Steps in the development of my radiocarbon dating of the Turin Shroud hacker theory #7" - May 10, 2017 - 115; "The Shroud of Turin: 3.6. The man on the Shroud and Jesus were crucified.," Dec 2, 2013 - 113. As can be seen from the graph, pageviews peaked in the middle of the month and then settled down again. Again it is gratifying to see that, according to the map, most of my pageviews in May were from readers in Russia!


Notes:
1. This post is copyright. I grant permission to extract or quote from any part of it (but not the whole post), provided the extract or quote includes a reference citing my name, its title, its date, and a hyperlink back to this my post it came from. [return]

Posted: 2 June 2017. Updated: 2 June 2017.

Wednesday, May 31, 2017

27 April 1987: On this day 30 years ago in the radiocarbon dating of the Turin Shroud

© Stephen E. Jones[1]

This is part #2, "27 April 1987," of my series, "On this day 30 years ago in the radiocarbon dating of the Turin Shroud." For more information about this series, see part #1, Index. As explained in part #1, the first few significant days 30 years ago have already passed, but I will soon catch up and thereafter I will publish each day's post as near to its 30th anniversary as possible. Emphases are mine unless otherwise indicated.

[Previous: Index #1] [Next: 06May87 #3]

27 April 1987 The Turin newspaper La Stampa, quotes Professor Luigi Gonella (1930–2007), the Archbishop of Turin's scientific

[above (enlarge): Prof. Luigi Gonella (centre) in 1978 having received an official complaint by STURP's John Jackson (right) about Max Frei's (left) attempt to press his pollen collecting sticky tape (red dispenser) onto the face of the Man on the Shroud[2].]

adviser, as saying that only two or three laboratories would be involved in the testing[3], not seven (5 AMS and 2 small counter) as had been agreed among the laboratories at a Turin workshop meeting in October 1986[4]:

"On April 27, 1987 Gonella `dropped a bomb' when he announced to La Stampa that only two or three laboratories would be entrusted with the examinations ... The decision to cut down the number of laboratories went against the idea that had emerged at the Turin meeting and the interested parties had hoped that that would not be the final word"[5].

Gonella was motivated by resentment of Rome's `takeover' of the Shroud's dating:

"Another person also highly concerned about his thunder being stolen was Professor Gonella, who in interminable telephone calls to me and others spoke of Professor Chagas [Carlos Chagas Filho (1910–2000)], President of the Pontifical Academy of Sciences, Vatican] as if he were public enemy number one, rather than the Pope's most senior scientific adviser. As early as April 1987 there were indications of the direction his mind was taking when, in an interview with La Stampa, he imparted that only two or three laboratories would be involved in the testing"[6].
Which is humanly understandable given that the Pope had only owned the Shroud for ~4 years (since 1983)[7], but the Archbishop of Turin had been the Shroud's custodian for ~189 years (since 1798)[8]!

Here is the reaction of Prof. Harry Gove (1922-2009), the unofficial leader of the radiocarbon dating laboratories[9]:

"The next crisis occurred when I got back to Rochester. An article had appeared in the 27 April issue of La Stampa. The headline read 'You Shall Know the Age of the Shroud' and under that: 'The carbon-14 tests will be done'. The opening paragraph of this article stated that in 1987 the age of the shroud would be known. Samples will be extracted before the end of the summer. The measurements would be made in two or three laboratories by two research methods after permission from Cardinal Anastasio Ballestrero [1913–1998] was forthcoming. This announcement had been made the previous day by Professor Luigi Gonella of the Turin Polytechnic. It went on to say that it might be possible to know the results by the end of the year, or at the latest in the spring of 1988. Gonella was quoted as saying that soon after that there could be new development, extremely complicated scientific instrumentation will come back to scrutinize the mystery of the likeness of a man after the pas age of thousands of years. (Again Gonella confirmed his deep-seated prejudices concerning the shroud's origin.) There was one interesting and at least two troublesome implications in this article. It was interesting that two methods would be used. That meant both the AMS and the small-counter decay counting methods would be employed. One troublesome statement was that the number of laboratories would be reduced from the original seven to two or three and the other that the carbon-14 tests would be just one of a whole vast panoply of tests presumably carried out by STURP. Both caused me great concern and I decided that we would have to try to do something about this as quickly as possible"[10]
As for Gove's, "Gonella confirmed his deep-seated prejudices concerning the shroud's origin," as we shall see, Gove the agnostic[11] was blind to his own anti-Christian biases! For example, Gove's "tests presumably carried out by STURP," which he "decided that we would have to try to do something about ... as quickly as possible," is (as we shall see), a symptom of Gove's unscientific, anti-Christian, prejudice. After all, why would a scientist be opposed to additional scientific tests? Especially tests that were outside of Gove's field of nuclear physics? But Gove was (as we shall see) implacably opposed to STURP because its members were predominantly Christians!

Continued in the next part #3 of this series.

Notes
1. This post is copyright. I grant permission to quote from any part of this post (but not the whole post), provided it includes a reference citing my name, its subject heading, its date, and a hyperlink back to this page[return].
2. Wilson, I. & Schwortz, B., 2000, "The Turin Shroud: The Illustrated Evidence," Michael O'Mara Books: London, pp.82-83. [return]
3. Wilson, 1998, pp.183, 307. [return]
4. Gove, H.E., 1996, "Relic, Icon or Hoax?: Carbon Dating the Turin Shroud," Institute of Physics Publishing: Bristol UK, p.174; Wilson, 1998, p.307. [return]
5. Petrosillo, O. & Marinelli, E., 1996, "The Enigma of the Shroud: A Challenge to Science," Scerri, L.J., transl., Publishers Enterprises Group: Malta, p.37. [return]
6. Wilson, I., 1998, "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, p.183. [return]
7. Wilson, I., 1986, "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, p.125; Tribbe, F.C., 2006, "Portrait of Jesus: The Illustrated Story of the Shroud of Turin," [1983], Paragon House Publishers: St. Paul MN, Second edition, p.5; Wilson, 1998, p.112; Oxley, M., 2010, "The Challenge of the Shroud: History, Science and the Shroud of Turin," AuthorHouse: Milton Keynes UK, p.82. [return]
8. Wilson, I., 1997, "A Calendar of the Shroud for the Years 1694-1898," BSTS Newsletter, No. 45, June/July; Wilson, 1998, p.297; Scott, J.B., 2003, "Architecture for the Shroud: Relic and Ritual in Turin," University of Chicago Press: Chicago & London, p.267. [return]
9. Sox, H.D., 1988, "The Shroud Unmasked: Uncovering the Greatest Forgery of All Time," The Lamp Press: Basingstoke UK, p.95; Antonacci, M., 2000, "Resurrection of the Shroud: New Scientific, Medical, and Archeological Evidence," M. Evans & Co: New York NY, pp.192-193. [return]
10. Gove, 1996, pp.186-187 . [return]
11. Wilson & Schwortz, 2000, p.9. [return]

Posted: 31 May 2017. Updated: 20 June 2017.

Tuesday, May 30, 2017

Index: On this day 30 years ago in the radiocarbon dating of the Turin Shroud

© Stephen E. Jones[1]

As next year, 2018, will include the 30th anniversary of the radiocarbon dating of the Turin Shroud, starting on 6 May 1988 at Arizona radiocarbon dating laboratory, when the Shroud was dated "AD 1350"[2]; to the announcement on 13 October 1988 that the

[Above (enlarge): From left to right, Prof. E. Hall (Oxford), Dr M. Tite (British Museum) and Dr R. Hedges (Oxford) announcing on 13 October 1988 that the Shroud of Turin had been radiocarbon dated to "1260-1390!"[3].]

Shroud's radiocarbon date was "1260-1390!" (see above); through to a paper in Nature, "Radiocarbon Dating of the Shroud of Turin," on 16 February 1989, that "... the linen of the Shroud of Turin is mediaeval ... AD 1260-1390 ..."[4].

So I have decided to start a series, "On this day 30 years ago in the radiocarbon dating of the Turin Shroud," where I will cover each significant day 30 years ago, that led up to the radiocarbon dating of the Shroud, the radiocarbon dating itself, and its aftermath. In this way readers will `live through' that radiocarbon dating and see for themselves what a flawed process it was. Including that the 1260-1390 radiocarbon date of the Shroud was the result of a computer hacking! This part #1 will be an index of each post in this series linked to each date 30 years ago (in the format "27Apr87"). The first few significant days 30 years ago have already passed, but I will catch up and thereafter I will publishe each day's post as close to its 30th anniversary as possible, bearing mind my other posting commitments.

[Next: 27Apr87 #2] [Index: 27Apr87, 06May87]

Continued in part #2 of this series.

Notes
1. This post is copyright. I grant permission to quote from any part of this post (but not the whole post), provided it includes a reference citing my name, its subject heading, its date, and a hyperlink back to this page[return]
2. Gove, H.E., 1996, "Relic, Icon or Hoax?: Carbon Dating the Turin Shroud," Institute of Physics Publishing: Bristol UK, p.264. [return]
3. Wilson, I., 1998, "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, pp.6-7 & pl.3b. [return]
4. Damon, P.E., 1989, "Radiocarbon Dating of the Shroud of Turin," Nature, Vol. 337, 16th February, pp.611-615, 611. [return]

Posted: 30 May 2017. Updated: 19 June 2017.

Saturday, May 13, 2017

Chronology of the Turin Shroud: Tenth century

Chronology of the Turin Shroud: AD 30 to the present
TENTH CENTURY
© Stephen E. Jones
[1]

This is part #10, "Tenth century," of my "Chronology of the Turin Shroud: AD 30 - present" series. For more information about this series see part #1, "1st century and Index." Emphases are mine unless otherwise indicated.

[Index #1] [Previous: 9th century #9] [Next: 11th century #11]


10th century (901-1000)

[Above (enlarge)[2]: King Abgar V (c.25 BC-AD 50) of Edessa is depicted in this 10th century icon at Saint Catherine's Monastery, Mount Sinai[3], receiving the Image of Edessa (the Shroud "four-doubled" - tetradiplon) from Jesus' disciple Thaddeus[4] [see "50"]. Abgar's face is that of Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (r. 913-959)[5], to commemorate the arrival of the Image of Edessa/Shroud in Constantinople on 15 August 944[6] [see below].]

943 In the Spring of 943, Byzantine usurper Emperor Romanos I Lekapenos (r. 920–944)[7] sends an army led by his best general, John Curcuas (fl. 915–946)[8], to Edessa to negotiate with its Muslim emir ruler for possession of the Edessa cloth[9], to add to his collection of Christian relics[10]. In exchange for the Cloth, Curcuas offered on behalf of the Emperor, a guarantee of perpetual immunity of Edessa from Byzantine attack, 12,000 pieces of silver and the release of 200 Muslim prisoners[11].

944a After lengthy consultations with his superiors in Baghdad[12], in the Summer of 944[13], Edessa's emir accepts Curcuas' terms and Bishop Abraham of nearby Samosata[14], enters Edessa to receive the cloth, and despite the resistance of Edessa's Christians[15], he is

[Above (enlarge): "The surrender of the Holy Mandylion (the `Image of Edessa'), bearing the face of Christ [and behind it the full-length Shroud!], by the inhabitants of Edessa in Mesopotamia to the Byzantines in 944," by John Skylitzes (c. 1040s – aft. 1101)[16] [see future "c. 1070"]. Note that in the 11th century Skylitzes depicted the Image of Edessa/Mandylion, at the time of its transfer from Edessa to Constantinople, as known to be full-length[17]! This occasion is usually assumed by pro-authenticists to be the arrival of the Image in Constantinople in 944[18]. But not only does its Wikipedia title contradict that, the persons on the left appear to be wearing red turbans and hence are Islamic/Eastern, and also the buildings on their side have no Christian crosses. However, that the buildings on the right have Christian crosses suggests that by artistic license Skylitzes depicted both the Image being handed over in Edessa and its arrival in Constantinople!]

satisfied that he has the original, as well as two copies of the Image[19] and Abgar V's (spurious [see "50"]) letter from Jesus[20]. After a short stay in Samosata[21], the bishop travels with the Image, escorted by Curcuas' army[22] across Anatolia back to Constantinople[23].

944b On Thursday 15 August 944 the Image of Edessa arrives in Constantinople[24]. It is carried in its framed portrait, fastened to a board and embellished with gold[25], through the streets of the city amidst great celebration[26]. The Image is then taken to the church of St Mary at Blachernae[27], where it is viewed by members of the imperial family[28]. Romanos I's two sons Stephen and Constantine find the face blurred and cannot distinguish its features[29] (further evidence that this was the Shroud: its image is faint and difficult to see close-up[30]). But the legitimate Emperor, Constantine VII, son of the late Emperor Leo VI (r. 886–912), was artistic and readily discerns them[31]. The Image of Edessa/Shroud is then taken to the Imperial (Boucoleon) Palace where it is placed overnight in the Pharos chapel[32].

944c The next day, 16 August 944, the Image is carried around the walls of Constantinople[33], thereby establishing it as the city's new palladium (guarantee of a city's Divine protection)[34]. The Image is then taken to Constantinople's Hagia Sophia cathedral[35], where it is placed on the "throne of mercy"[36]. During that enthronement of the Image ceremony[37], Gregory Referendarius (overseer of relationships between the Patriarch and the Emperor[38]), Archdeacon of Hagia Sophia[39], an eyewitness of these events[40], delivers a sermon[41] in which he says that the Cloth bears not only "the sweat from the face of the ruler of life, falling like drops of blood" but also "drops from his own side ... [of] blood and water":

"This reflection, however - may everyone be inspired with the explanation - has been imprinted only by the sweat from the face of the ruler of life, falling like drops of blood, and by the finger of God. For these are indeed the beauties that have coloured the true imprint of Christ, because that from which they dripped was also embellished by drops from his own side. Both are highly instructive - blood and water there, here sweat and image. O equality of happenings, since both have their origin in the same person. The source of living water can be seen and it gives us water, showing us that the origin of the image made by sweat is in fact of the same nature as the origin of that which makes the liquid flow from the side"[42].
By "the sweat from the face of [Christ] ... falling like drops of blood" Gregory refers to Lk 22:44:
"And being in agony he [Jesus] prayed more earnestly; and his sweat became like great drops of blood falling down to the ground."
which occurred in the Garden of Gethsemane (Mt 26:36; Mk 14:32)[43]. But the "drops from his own side ... [of] blood and water" refers to Jn 19:33-34 which was after Jesus' death on the cross:
"But when they came to Jesus and saw that he was already dead, they did not break his legs. But one of the soldiers pierced his side with a spear, and at once there came out blood and water."
Clearly the face-only Image of Edessa does not show the blood-stained wound in Jesus' side that is on the Shroud[44]. But Gregory could not have made that reference unless he had been aware of the wound in the side of the image and of bloodstains in the area of that wound[45], and hence knew that the Cloth was full-length rather than merely a face-cloth[46]. And to know that, Gregory must have seen that under the Image of Edessa face was a full-length, bloodstained, body image of Jesus[47]. This is a further corroboration of Ian Wilson's insight that the Image of Edessa was the Shroud ("four-doubled" - tetradiplon)[48]!

944d In December 944, the co-Emperor sons of Romanos I, Stephen and Constantine, fearing their ~74 year-old father was going to confirm Constantine VII as his successor[49], forced him to abdicate[50].

945a On 27 January 945, with the help of his wife, Romanos I's daughter Helena Lekapene (c. 910–961), Constantine VII exiled Stephen and Constantine (Helena's brothers!) and became sole emperor at the age of 39[51]. Within weeks of his accession, Constantine VII had a new gold solidus coin struck[52], bearing

[Above (enlarge): "Coin ... [a gold solidus] minted in 945 under the reign of the Byzantine emperor Constantine VII. On the obverse, a bust of Christ similar to the Shroud face image; on the reverse, Constantine VII ... Notice ... the overall similarity of the facial representation with the face on the Shroud ... the left cheek of Christ, that is, the cheek that appears on our right, shows a clear protuberance, which is also on the Shroud. The beard and hair are also similar to the Shroud. Note the very peculiar lock of hair on the forehead. This is similar to the inverted '3' shape as seen on the forehead on the Shroud"[53].]

a very Shroud-like Christ 'Rex Regnantium' (King of Kings) portrait, inspired by the recently arrived cloth of Edessa[54]. Note also the `pellets' within Jesus' halo above, two groups of four each forming an

[Above (enlarge)[55]: Two sets of L-shaped `poker holes' on the Shroud man's dorsal image and two sets of three in a line on the frontal image.]

L-shape and the other two groups of three each in a line, match the so-called 'poker holes' on the Shroud (see above), as pointed out by Ian Wilson[56].

945b On 16 August 945, the anniversary of the solemn exposition of the cloth in Hagia Sophia cathedral, Constantine VII proclaimed 16 August as the Feast of the Holy Mandylion in the Eastern Orthodox church calendar[57], which it continues to celebrate to this very day, even though the Image has been lost to them since 1204[58]!

945c Soon after becoming sole Emperor, Constantine VII commissioned[59] an official history of the Image of Edessa[60], the "Narratio de imagine Edessena"[61], or "Story of the Image of Edessa"[62]. Indeed it may have been written by Constantine himself[63]! The Story is actually a sermon to be read to Eastern Orthodox congregations on each 16 August Feast of the Holy Mandylion, starting in 946[64], hence it is also known as the "Festival Sermon"[65]. Fastened to a board The Official History states that the Image of Edessa "now to be seen" in Constantinople in 944, had in Edessa been fastened to a board and embellished with gold by Abgar V:

"Abgar ... set up this likeness of our Lord Jesus Christ not made by hand, fastening it to a board and embellishing it with the gold which is now to be seen, inscribing these words on the gold: `Christ the God, he who hopes in thee is never disappointed'"[66].
This fits Ian Wilson's theory that the Shroud was folded and mounted in such a way ("four-doubled" - tetradiplon) that only the facial area was visible and accessible, so "every description of the Image of Edessa during the period in question is compatible with a viewing of the Shroud"[67]. Two alternative versions of the origin of the image The Official History gives two mutually exclusive versions of the origin of Jesus' image on the cloth[68]. The first version is the traditional explanation since the sixth century[69], that Jesus washed his face in water, wiped it on a towel, and his likeness was impressed on the towel, which he then gave to Abgar V's servant Ananias, who in turn gave it to Abgar V[70]. The second version is that:
"... when Christ was about to go voluntarily to death ... he ... pray[ed] ... sweat dropped from him like drops of blood ... he took this piece of cloth which we see now from one of the disciples and wiped off the drops of sweat on it ... the still-visible impression of that divine face was produced. Jesus gave the cloth to Thomas, and instructed him that after Jesus had ascended into heaven, he should send Thaddaeus with it to Abgar ... Thomas gave the divine portrait of Christ's face to Thaddaeus and sent him to Abgar"[71].
That is, the image was formed during Jesus' agony in the Garden of Gethsemane when His "sweat became like great drops of blood falling down to the ground" (Lk 22:44)[72]. See also Gregory Referendarius' sermon above. This second version would be inexplicable unless dripping blood could be seen on the face of the Image of Edessa[73], as it is on the Shroud face[74], but which could not be explained by the first version[75]. This second version may be the parent of the tradition of Veronica's veil[76] - or it may be the other way around [see 06Mar17 and future "1011"]. Moist secretion The Official History described the Image as "a moist secretion without coloring or painter's art"[77], "it did not consist of earthly colors ... and ... was due to sweat, not pigments"[78]. This fits the Shroud image which is extremely faint[79]. It also explains why some thought the Image had been made in the Garden of Gethsemane when Christ's face was covered in sweat "like great drops of blood"[80]. Wilson, who has seen the Shroud many times, agrees that these "water/sweat details" sound "uncannily like the characteristics of the Shroud's image"[81]. Wilson also points out of

[Above (enlarge): The Image of Edessa (late 10th-early 11th century), Sakli church, Goreme, Turkey[82].]

the late 10th/early 11th century copy of the Edessa cloth, painted above an arch in the Sakli church in the Goreme region of central Turkey, that:

"... its general resemblance to the facial portion on the Shroud is really quite remarkable. There is the same sepia-coloured, disembodied, rigidly frontal face on the same landscape cloth. ... And when we know, as we do from the Official History, that this same Edessa cloth's imprint had the appearance of `a moist secretion without colouring or painter's art', then can we really believe that this could not have been our Shroud[83]?
In his insistence that the Image was "... without coloring or painter's art," "did not consist of earthly colors" and "was [not] due to ... pigments," the author of the Official History "anticipat[ed] twentieth-century science by a full millennium"[84], in that the Shroud of Turin Research Project (STURP), after an exhaustive series of scientific tests on the Shroud, found that: "No pigments, paints, dyes or stains have been found on the fibrils"[85] (i.e. which form the image).

945d Soon after he became sole Emperor in January 945[86], Constantine VII commissioned a painting, now at Saint Catherine's Monastery, Mt Sinai, depicting Abgar V holding the Edessa cloth, which had been handed to him by Thaddeus (see above)[87]. That icon survives as the top right-hand quarter of a diptych[88] (see below). It

[Above (enlarge)[89]: The Abgar V icon (see above) in its surviving diptych context.]

originally was a triptych with an icon of the Image of Edessa in the centre panel but only the two wings have survived[90].

946 On 16 August 946, the first anniversary of the Image's enthronement ceremony in Hagia Sophia (see above) the "Monthly Lection" for that day, and on that day in each year thereafter, was a text that recounted the full history of the Image of Edessa[91]. This particular lection was prepared soon after the Image's arrival in time for this first anniversary festival[92]. In describing the Image's origins, the "Monthly Lection" stated that after Jesus had washed:

"...there was given to him a piece of cloth folded four times [rhakos tetradiplon]. And after washing, he imprinted on it his undefiled and divine face."[93]
Note: Prof. Robert Drews' "folded four times" above is inexact. The Greek compound word "tetradiplon" means "doubled four times": tetra = "four" and diplon = "doubled" (see my 15Sep12). Indeed Prof. Drews on the next facing page acknowledges this:
"What exactly the authors meant by a cloth `folded four times' may be debated, but a reasonable guess is that in a slightly expanded form the cloth was arranged something like this: [right] The Mandylion [Image of Edessa], then, was an ivory-colored linen, bearing a blurred and dim image, the image being described as `not made by human hands' and resembling, in the artists' copies of the Mandylion, the face of the Man of the Shroud. The Mandylion was considerably wider than one would expect as backdrop for a portrait of a face, and was apparently far longer than the height of the exposed cloth. The bulk of the cloth seems to have been folded, in seven folds, behind an exposed, eighth panel. That the seven other folds were nothing but blank linen, carefully concealed but carefully preserved for over a thousand years, is manifestly improbable. If the Shroud does carry, as it seems to, the vera imago of Jesus, then what is now known as the Shroud of Turin was in the Middle Ages the Mandylion of Edessa and Constantinople"[94]!

958 In a letter of encouragement to his troops campaigning around Tarsus in 958, Constantine VII told them that he was sending them holy water consecrated by relics of the Passion, including, "the sindon [shroud] which God wore"[95]. This can only mean that by 958 Constantine VII had seen unfolded the full-length Shroud behind the face of the Image of Edessa[96]. Moreover Constantine made no mention of the Image of Edessa, despite his previous close identification with it[97]. This is the first of several subsequent mentions of a burial sindon or shroud being among the imperial relic collection in Constantinople, with no explanation how it came to be there[98]. The arrival of the Edessa cloth in Constantinople in 944 had been accompanied by a great celebration (see above), so the arrival of the sindon, acknowledged as Jesus' burial shroud, ought to have merited at least the same level of celebration and ceremony, but there is no record of the sindon's arrival in Constantinople[99]! This is inexplicable unless the Edessa cloth and the Shroud are one and the same[100], more than three centuries before the earliest 1260 radiocarbon date of the Shroud[101]!

c. 960 The Image of Edessa is called a sindon in versions of a liturgical text called the Synaxarion, composed after its arrival in Constantinople and based on the work of Symeon Metaphrastes, who saw the cloth in 944[102].

968/969 A tile with a claimed image of Jesus on it, which was at Hierapolis, Syria (modern Manbij about 173 km = 107 miles from Sanliurfa, modern Edessa), was in either 968 or 969 transferred from Hierapolis to Constantinople by order of Byzantine Emperor Nicephorus II Phocas (r. 963-969)[103], where it was subsequently named the "Keramion"[104] (Greek "an earthen [clay] vessel, a pot, jar - Mk 14:13; Lk 22:10"). See my posts 04Apr16 and 25Apr16 on the confusion between a tile at Edessa which had no image on it and was not transferred to Constantinople, and a tile at Hierapolis, Syria, which did have an image of Jesus on it, but which never was at Edessa, and was transferred to Constantinople in 968/969 about a quarter of a century after the Image of Edessa/Shroud had been transferred from Edessa to Constantinople in 944. The image-bearing tile was mentioned by Fourth Crusade French knight Robert de Clari (c. 1170-1216) [see future "1203"] as being in Constantinople immediately prior to its sack in 1204[105], but it has not been seen or heard of since[106], so presumably it has subsequently been lost or destroyed.

c. 980 Leo the Deacon (Leo Diaconus) (c. 950-992) was a Byzantine historian and a deacon in the imperial palace[107]. In Constantinople he wrote a history from the reign of Byzantine Emperor Romanus II (r. 959-963) to the early part of the reign of Basil II (r. 976-1025)[108]. Leo's history was based on his experiences as an eyewitness to events[109]. Leo wrote of the Cloth as being a peplos, which was a full-length robe[110]!

c. 990 The first known reference to the Edessa Cloth as the "Mandylion" appeared in about the year 990 in a biography of the Greek ascetic, Paul of Latros (c. 880-956)[111], who without ever leaving Mt. Latros (aka Mt Latmus), was granted a vision of "the icon of Christ not made by hands, which is commonly called 'the holy Mandylion'"[112]. "Mandylion" originally derived from the Latin word mantile which meant "hand-cloth"[113], and by the tenth century it had been borrowed by several languages including Arabic, Turkish, and Greek[114] as mandil, "handkerchief"[115]. The Byzantine Greeks attached to mandil the diminutive suffix -ion as a colloquial name for the Image of Edessa[116]. It was clearly not a descriptive name because the Image of Edessa definitely was not a "little handkerchief "[117]! The existing word "mandylion" was evidently applied by the Byzantines to the Cloth since it was no longer of Edessa but Constantinople[118]. However "mandylion" was not used of the Image by the cloth's official custodians[119], and in fact the word only appears three times (including the Paul of Latros reference) in the Greek texts of that period[120].

To be continued in the next part #11 of this series.

Notes
1. This post is copyright. I grant permission to quote from any part of this post (but not the whole post), provided it includes a reference citing my name, its subject heading, its date, and a hyperlink back to this page[return].
2. "Image of Edessa or Holy Mandylion," Digital Journal, 28 March 2012. [return]
3. "Abgar V," Wikipedia, 12 May 2017. [return]
4. Wilson, I., 1979, "The Shroud of Turin: The Burial Cloth of Jesus?," [1978], Image Books: New York NY, Revised edition, 154-155. [return]
5. Wilson, 1979, pp.151,154. [return]
6. Wilson, 1979, pp.116,151,255; Wilson, I., 1998, "The Blood and the Shroud: New Evidence that the World's Most Sacred Relic is Real," Simon & Schuster: New York NY, pp.148,268; Guerrera, V., 2001, "The Shroud of Turin: A Case for Authenticity," TAN: Rockford IL, pp.4-5; Tribbe, F.C., 2006, "Portrait of Jesus: The Illustrated Story of the Shroud of Turin," Paragon House Publishers: St. Paul MN, Second edition, p.24; Wilson, I., 2010, "The Shroud: The 2000-Year-Old Mystery Solved," Bantam Press: London, pp.165, 300. [return]
7. Wilson, 1979, p.255; Wilson, 1998, p.267; Oxley, M., 2010, "The Challenge of the Shroud: History, Science and the Shroud of Turin," AuthorHouse: Milton Keynes UK, p.31. [return]
8. Wilson, 1979, p.148; Wilson, 1998, p.148. [return]
9. Scavone, D.C., 1989a, "The Shroud of Turin: Opposing Viewpoints," Greenhaven Press: San Diego CA, p.84; Oxley, 2010, p.31. [return]
10. Morgan, R.H., 1980, "Perpetual Miracle: Secrets of the Holy Shroud of Turin by an Eye Witness," Runciman Press: Manly NSW, Australia, p.36; Scavone, 1989a, p.84; Danin, A., Whanger, A.D., Baruch, U. & Whanger, M., 1999, "Flora of the Shroud of Turin," Missouri Botanical Garden Press: St. Louis MO, p.4. [return]
11. Morgan, 1980, p.36; Wilson, 1998, pp.267-268; Antonacci, M., 2000, "Resurrection of the Shroud: New Scientific, Medical, and Archeological Evidence," M. Evans & Co: New York NY, p.130; Guerrera, 2001, p.4; Tribbe, 2006, p.24; Wilson, 2010, p.300. [return]
12. Wilson, 1998, p.148; Antonacci, 2000, p.130; Tribbe, 2006, p.24; Oxley, 2010, p.31; Wilson, 2010, p.158. [return]
13. Wilson, 1979, p.255; Tribbe, 2006, p.24. [return]
14. Wilson, 1979, pp.149, 255; Antonacci, 2000, p.130; Tribbe, 2006, p.24; Oxley, 2010, p.32; Wilson, 2010, p.159. [return]
15. Wilson, 1979, pp.149-150, 255; Oxley, 2010, p.32; Wilson, 2010, pp.159-160. [return]
16. "Chronography of John Skylitzes, cod. Vitr. 26-2, folio 131a, Madrid National Library, in "File:Surrender of the Mandylion to the Byzantines.jpg," Wikimedia Commons, 20 December 2012. [return]
17. Scavone, D.C., "The History of the Turin Shroud to the 14th C.," in Berard, A., ed., 1991, "History, Science, Theology and the Shroud," Symposium Proceedings, St. Louis Missouri, June 22-23, 1991, The Man in the Shroud Committee of Amarillo, Texas: Amarillo TX, pp.171-204, 193-194; Scavone, D.C., "Underscoring the Highly Significant Historical Research of the Shroud," in Tribbe, 2006, p.xxvii. [return]
18. Wilson, I., 1990, "Correspondence," BSTS Newsletter, No. 25, April/May 1990, p.10; Fanti, G. & Malfi, P., 2015, "The Shroud of Turin: First Century after Christ!," Pan Stanford: Singapore, pp.54-55. [return]
19. Wilson, 1979, p.255; Antonacci, 2000, p.130; Tribbe, 2006, pp.24, 39. [return]
20. Wilson, 1979, pp.286-287; Oxley, 2010, p.32; Wilson, 2010, pp.159-160. [return]
21. Wilson, 1979, p.255; Tribbe, 2006, p.24. [return]
22. Wilson, 1998, p.148; Wilson, 2010, p.159. [return]
23. Wilson, 1979, pp.149, 255; Tribbe, 2006, pp.24, 39; Oxley, 2010, p.32; Wilson, 2010, p.159. [return]
24. Maher, R.W., 1986, "Science, History, and the Shroud of Turin," Vantage Press: New York NY, p.92; Wilson, 1998, p.268; Guerrera, 2001, p.4. [return]
25. Wilson, 1979, pp.282; Drews, 1984, pp.35, 57; Scavone, 1989a, p.84; Antonacci, 2000, p.131. [return]
26. Scavone, 1989a, p.84; Scavone, 1991, p.194; Wilson, 2010, p.300. [return]
27. Wilson, 1998, pp.148-149, 268; Guerrera, 2001, pp.4-5. [return]
28. Wilson, 1998, pp.149, 268. [return]
29. Wilson, 1979, p.116; Maher, 1986, p.92; Scavone, 1991, p.192; Wilson, 1998, p.268; Antonacci, 2000, p.130; Tribbe, 2006, p.25. [return]
30. Wilson, 1979, pp.116, 122; Scavone, 1991, p.192; Antonacci, 2000, p.130. [return]
31. Wilcox, R.K., 1977, "Shroud," Macmillan: New York NY, p.94; Scavone, 1991, p.192; Wilson, 1998, p.268; Tribbe, 2006, p.25; Wilson, 2010, p.300. [return]
32. Wilson, 1998, pp.149, 268. [return]
33. Wilson, 1979, p.256; Wilson, 1998, pp.149, 268. [return]
34. Currer-Briggs, N., 1995, "Shroud Mafia: The Creation of a Relic?," Book Guild: Sussex UK, p.57; Wilson, 1998, p.149. [return]
35. Wilson, 1979, p.256; Wilson, 1998, pp.149, 268. [return]
36. Wilson, 1979, p.256; Maher, 1986, p.92; Currer-Briggs, 1995, p.57; Wilson, 1998, pp.149, 268. [return]
37. Ruffin, C.B., 1999, "The Shroud of Turin: The Most Up-To-Date Analysis of All the Facts Regarding the Church's Controversial Relic," Our Sunday Visitor: Huntington IN, p.58. [return]
38. Guscin, M., 2009, "The Image of Edessa," Brill: Leiden, Netherlands & Boston MA, p.4. [return]
39. Scavone, 1991, p.192; Wilson, I., 1991, "Holy Faces, Secret Places: The Quest for Jesus' True Likeness," Doubleday: London, p.143; Oxley, 2010, p.13. [return]
40. Scavone, 1991, p.192; de Wesselow, T., 2012, "The Sign: The Shroud of Turin and the Secret of the Resurrection," Viking: London, p.185. [return]
41. Scavone, 1991, p.192; Wilson, 1991, p.143; Iannone, J.C., 1998, "The Mystery of the Shroud of Turin: New Scientific Evidence," St Pauls: Staten Island NY, p.115; Oxley, 2010, pp.13, 36; de Wesselow, 2012, p.185; Fanti & Malfi, 2015, p.56. [return]
42. Guscin, 2009, p.85; Oxley, 2010, p.36. [return]
43. Wilson, 1998, p.268. [return]
44. Scavone, 1991, p.192. [return]
45. Oxley, 2010, p.36. [return]
46. Iannone, 1998, p.115; Ruffin, 1999, p.58; Oxley, 2010, p.36. [return]
47. Scavone, D.C., 1998, "A Hundred Years of Historical Studies on the Turin Shroud," Paper presented at the Third International Congress on the Shroud of Turin, 6 June 1998, Turin, Italy, in Minor, M., Adler, A.D. & Piczek, I., eds., 2002, "The Shroud of Turin: Unraveling the Mystery: Proceedings of the 1998 Dallas Symposium," Alexander Books: Alexander NC, pp.58-70, 63; Wilson, 1998, p.268. [return]
48. Scavone, 1991, p.192; Guerrera, 2001, pp.5-6; Scavone, 2006, p.xxvii. [return]
49. "Romanos I Lekapenos: End of the reign," Wikipedia, 4 November 2016. [return]
50. Maher, 1986, p.92. [return]
51. "Constantine VII: Reign," Wikipedia, 15 March 2017; Wilson, 1979, p.154; Wilson, 1998, p.268; Wilson, 2010, pp.166-167. [return]
52. Wilson, 1979, p.154; Maher, 1986, p.92; Tribbe, 2006, p.164; Wilson, 2010, p.300. [return]
53. Latendresse, M., 2007, "The Shroud of Turin and Byzantine Coins," Sindonology.org. [return]
54. Wilson, 1998, p.268. [return]
55. Extract from Latendresse, M., 2010, "Shroud Scope: Durante 2002 Vertical," Sindonology.org. [return]
56. Wilson, 1998, p.268. [return]
57. Wilson, 1979, p.256; Maher, 1986, p.92; Wilson, 1998, p.149; Guerrera, 2001, p.6; Wilson, 2010, p.300. [return]
58. Wilson, I. & Schwortz, B., 2000, "The Turin Shroud: The Illustrated Evidence," Michael O'Mara Books: London, p.113; Wilson, 2010, p.167. [return]
59. Wilson, 1979, pp.116-117; Wilson, 2010, pp.167, 174. [return]
60. Wilson, 1979, p.272; Wilson, I., 1986, "The Evidence of the Shroud," Guild Publishing: London, p.112; Wilson, 1998, pp.151, 268; Oxley, 2010, p.34. [return]
61. Wilcox, 1977, p.95; Wilson, 1998, pp.256, 268 [return]
62. Stevenson, K.E. & Habermas, G.R., 1981, "Verdict on the Shroud: Evidence for the Death and Resurrection of Jesus Christ," Servant Books: Ann Arbor MI, p.207; Antonacci, 2000, p.130; de Wesselow, 2012, p.185. [return]
63. Wilson, 2010, pp.167, 174. [return]
64. Wilson, 1979, p.155; Antonacci, 2000, p.130. [return]
65. Drews, 1984, p.115. [return]
66. Wilson, 1979, p.280; Oxley, 2010, p.34. [return]
67. Wilson, 1986, p.112; Wilson, 1998, pp.152-153; Oxley, 2010, p.34; Wilson, 2010, pp.140, 174. [return]
68. Wilson, 1979, pp.117, 256; Wilson, 1998, pp.150, 268; Wilson, 2010, p.174-175. [return]
69. de Wesselow, 2012, p.185. [return]
70. Wilson, 1979, pp.117, 276-277; Drews, 1984, pp.35, 56; Wilson, 1998, pp.150, 268; Wilson, 2010, pp.174-175; de Wesselow, 2012, p185. [return]
71. Wilson, 1979, pp.117, 277-278; Wilson, 2010, p.175. [return]
72. Wilson, 1979, pp.117, 123; Drews, 1984, pp.35, 57; Scavone, 1991, p.190; Wilson, 1998, pp.150, 153, 268; Wilson & Schwortz, 2000, p.111; Wilson, 2010, p.175. [return]
73. Wilson, 1979, p.123; Drews, 1984, pp.35; Scavone, D.C., "The Shroud of Turin in Constantinople: The Documentary Evidence," in Sutton, R.F., Jr., 1989b, "Daidalikon: Studies in Memory of Raymond V Schoder," Bolchazy Carducci Publishers: Wauconda IL, pp.311-329, 315; Scavone, 1991, p.190; de Wesselow, 2012, pp185-186. [return]
74. Drews, 1984, pp.35. [return]
75. Scavone, 1989b, p.315. [return]
76. Wilson, 1979, p.117; Stevenson & Habermas, 1981, p.25; Currer-Briggs, N., 1988, "The Shroud and the Grail: A Modern Quest for the True Grail," St. Martin's Press: New York NY, p.59. [return]
77. Wilcox, 1977, p.95; Wilson, 1979, pp.115, 255, 273; Scavone, 1991, p.192; de Wesselow, 2012, p185. [return]
78. Wilson, 1979, pp.115, 279; Wilson, 1998, p.268; Wilson & Schwortz, 2000, p.111. [return]
79. Scavone, 1989b, p.315. [return]
80. de Wesselow, 2012, p.187 [return]
81. Wilson, 1998, p.150. [return]
82. Wilson, , 2010, plate 22b. [return]
83. Wilson, 1998, p.151. [return]
84. Tribbe, 2006, p.25 . [return]
85. "A Summary of STURP's Conclusions," October 1981, Shroud.com. [return]
86. Wilson, 1979, p.154; Pfeiffer, H., 1983, "The Shroud of Turin and the Face of Christ in Paleochristian, Byzantine and Western Medieval Art: Part I," Shroud Spectrum International, Issue #9, December, pp.7-20, 8. [return]
87. Wilson, 1979, p.154; Scavone, 1989a, p.88; Whanger, M. & Whanger, A.D., 1998, "The Shroud of Turin: An Adventure of Discovery," Providence House Publishers: Franklin TN, p.5. [return]
88. Wilson, 1986, pp.110E, 118. [return]
89. "Two Wings of a Triptych: Saint Thaddeus, Saint Paul of Thebes, Saint Anthony; King Abgarus, Saint Basil, and Saint Ephraem," The Icons of Sinai, Princeton University, 2017. [return]
90. Wilson, 1979, p.154; Wilson, 1991, p.175; Dreisbach, K., 1995, "Hans Belting, Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image before the Era of Art, translated by Edmund Jepthcott, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1994," in "Recent Publications - Book reviews by Ian Wilson, Rev. Albert Kim Dreisbach and Dr. Michael Clift," BSTS Newsletter, No. 39, January. [return]
91. Drews, 1984, p.40. [return]
92. Drews, 1984, p.40. [return]
93. Drews, 1984, p.40; Iannone, 1998, p.105. [return]
94. Drews, 1984, p.41. [return]
95. Scavone, 1989b, pp.317-318; Wilson, 1991, p.153; Wilson, 1998, pp.268-269; Whiting, B., 2006, "The Shroud Story," Harbour Publishing: Strathfield NSW, Australia, p.257; Wilson, 2010, p.169; de Wesselow, 2012, p.177. [return]
96. Scavone, 1989b, p.318. [return]
97. Scavone, 1989b, pp.317-318; Wilson, 2010, p.169. [return]
98. Wilson, 1998, p.269; Wilson, 1991, p.153; Whiting, 2006, p.257; Wilson, 2010, p.169. [return]
99. Scavone, 1991, pp.194-195. [return]
100. Wilson, 1998, p.269. [return]
101. de Wesselow, 2012, p.178. [return]
102. Wilson, 2010, p.177; de Wesselow, 2012, p.186. [return]
103. Wilson, 1998, p.269. [return]
104. Wilson, 1979, p.132; Currer-Briggs, 1988, p.71; Antonacci, 2000, p.136; Whiting, 2006, p.256. [return]
105. Wilson, 1979, p.168; Currer-Briggs, 1988, pp.72, 185; Scavone, 1989b, p.321.Currer-Briggs, 1995, p.74; Oxley, 2010, pp.34-35. [return]
106. Wilson, 1998, p.273; Tribbe, 2006, p.25. [return]
107. "Leo the Deacon," Wikipedia, 18 October 2016. [return]
108. Ibid. [return]
109. Ibid. [return]
110. Wilson, 1998, p.152; Antonacci, 2000, p.136; Oxley, 2010, p.36; de Wesselow, 2012, p.383 n.53. [return]
111. Drews, 1984, p.39; Guerrera, 2001, p.4; Wilson, 1998, pp.151, 268; Oxley, 2010, p.36. [return]
112. Drews, 1984, p.39; Guerrera, 2001, p.5; Wilson, 1998, pp.151, 268; Oxley, 2010, p.36. [return]
113. Wilson, 1979, p.118; Drews, 1984, p.39. [return]
114. Drews, 1984, p.39; Guerrera, 2001, p.5; Oxley, 2010, p.33. [return]
115. Wilson, 1979, p.118; Drews, 1984, p.39; Oxley, 2010, p.33; Wilson, 2010, p.176. [return]
116. Drews, 1984, p.39. [return]
117. Drews, 1984, p.39. [return]
118. Wilson, 2010, p.176. [return]
119. Drews, 1984, p.39; Wilson, 1998, pp.151. [return]
120. Drews, 1984, p.39; Wilson, 1998, pp.151. [return]

Posted: 13 May 2017. Updated: 2 June 2017.